Showing posts with label political science. Show all posts
Showing posts with label political science. Show all posts

Does IT Matter? Information Technology and the Corrosion of Competitive Advantage Review

Does IT Matter Information Technology and the Corrosion of Competitive Advantage
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Does IT Matter Information Technology and the Corrosion of Competitive Advantage ReviewJust reading through the reviews already posted here shows how big a stir Carr's ideas have caused. Because of vested interests or emotional ties, some people have a deep fear of any criticism of IT, and it blinds them to the reality of the situation. In my humble opinion, as someone who's worked in the IT field for nearly two decades, I think Carr has it exactly right. It's best to treat the technology as a fairly boring necessity - be frugal, buy standardised components, don't believe the hype. The book is carefully argued, and it makes for quite compelling reading. Ignore it at your own risk.Does IT Matter Information Technology and the Corrosion of Competitive Advantage Overview

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The Nature of Fascism Review

The Nature of Fascism
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The Nature of Fascism Review_The Nature of Fascism_ by Roger Griffin provides a unique contribution to the field of fascist studies. Griffin attempts to provide a definition for the essence of a series of movements and political regimes which were given rise to in the earlier part of this last century and which he believes constitute "fascism". The term fascism has fallen into much abuse and misuse in modern times, and it has become a part of our common linguistic currency used to define or demolish any movement which appears to have totalitarian or authoritarian underpinnings or which is overly oppressive. For instance, Marxist historians are especially prone to label as fascist any movement which is contrary to their own particular political ideology of history as class struggle. (This is particularly ironic because Marxism itself appears to be an extremely violent and oppressive ideology, not all that dissimilar from the ideologies of Mussolini or Hitler, in a word - fascist.) Griffin contends that there is such a thing as "generic fascism" of which the National Socialism of Hitler's Germany (Nazism) and the Fascism of Mussolini's Italy are two particular instances of. Griffin defines this generic fascism as: "Fascism is a genus of political ideology whose mythic core in its various permutations is a palingenetic form of populist ultra-nationalism. (p. 26)". Thus, fascism is a utopian revolutionary ideology which attempts to revive a form of ultra-nationalism - represented frequently by the myth of the phoenix, the mythical bird which arises new each day from its own ashes. Griffin argues against Eric Voegelin's thesis that fascism (particularly National Socialism) is a form of political religion, a revival of the Gnostic heresy with roots in the apocalyptic tradition represented by the medieval monastic Joachim of Fiore. (Here, I disagree slightly with Griffin's somewhat overly simplistic rejection of Voegelin. Voegelin is famous for saying that one must avoid the "immanentization of the eschaton", the attempt to create the Kingdom of God on Earth.) Once Griffin has succeeded in defining generic fascism to his satisfaction, he then goes on to explore the various political movements and regimes which are instances of it or which bear a resemblance to his definition but which fail to fulfill all of its requirements. First, Griffin discusses Italian Fascism, beginning with the proto-fascism (not fully fascist) in Italy before the rise of Benito Mussolini. The Italian proto-fascism arose out of various movements of Italian interventionists who combined with certain aspects of neo-syndicalism (whose principal expositor is that of Georges Sorel). Individuals such as D'Annunzio, Papini, and the Futurist movement in the arts led by Marinetti, combined under Mussolini to form the fascist movement in Italy. Griffin then discusses various aspects of Italian Fascism once it had come to full development in a totalitarian dictatorship under Mussolini, and also examines the various forms of postwar fascism in Italy. Next, Griffin turns his attention towards German Fascism (represented by National Socialism). In Germany, various forms of proto-fascism existed which finally completed itself in the fully fascist Third Reich regime under Adolf Hitler. Conservative revolutionaries, reactionary modernists, Volkish ideologues, and various proto-Nazi occultists were combined into a movement that gave rise to German National Socialism (Nazism). Griffin discusses the development of Nazism under Hitler and its completion in the demise of the Third Reich and the subsequent death of Hitler. Next, Griffin examines what he terms "abortive inter-war fascisms". These are various attempts to create a fascist movement in European nations (particularly those occupied by the Nazis). Griffin contends that fascist forces were always marginalized before they had the chance to come to full power. These movements include various "para-fascisms" (attempts to create a movement with the external trappings of fascism) among which are Vichy France and Franco's Spain (which was strongly reactionary but not truly and fully fascist). Finally, Griffin turns to non-European and postwar fascisms. These include regimes in South Africa (based on racialism) and Japan, which Griffin contends failed to become truly fascist. Griffin also examines mimetic forms of fascism (including NeoNazism) and various movements which are to be considered ultra-Right or conservative revolutionary. The book concludes with discussions on the psycho-historical bases of fascism (including examinations of myth and focusing on the theories of Arthur Koestler) and the socio-political determinants of fascism's success (which attempts to show why modern fascist movements have failed and been increasingly marginalized). I believe Griffin goes too far in labeling certain "New Right" intellectuals such as Alain de Benoist or Julius Evola with the fascist label. This label has been conveniently used by liberals to discredit different right wing thinkers who call for a "return to tradition" and a "renewal of the West". Also, I believe the most dangerous form of fascism in the modern world comes not from nationalist groups but from the global democratic elite themselves. In an era in which global hegemony is being concentrated into the hands of an ever decreasing in size select group of globalist profiteering elite, it is apparent that a new form of "fascism" is arriving upon us in the form of a New World Order. By itself, palingenetic movements are not necessarily to be avoided. It may be that a certain type of palingenetic movement is the only one possible to assure our survival of the viscitudes of modernity.The Nature of Fascism Overview

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Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life (Meridian: Crossing Aesthetics) Review

Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life (Meridian: Crossing Aesthetics)
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Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life (Meridian: Crossing Aesthetics) ReviewWhen all politics is about life, the shadow of death disappears. At this point life itself, despite its glory, is in terrible danger of burning up in this high-noon of the political world. Putting this point less obliquely one might say, with Giorgio Agamben in his Homo Sacer, that a world which is increasingly concerned with ridding itself of any political value except that of serving the exigencies which are thrown up by the brute fact of maintaining biological human life is a world which is dangerously unstable. The danger may lie in either of two directions. The first is that the emergence of a strong political value which co-opts a vision of the importance of biological human life but redefines the borders of 'human' gains an immediate political legitimacy in 'cleansing' the political populace of what become cast as simply vermin. The second danger is that the lack of political value apart from life itself leaves a space wherin 'life itself' increasingly begs definition, and with this definition arrive categories of life regarded as less valuable and, ultimately, as 'life not worth living'. Both of these features can be recognised as elements of the political program of National Socialist Germany. Agamben, untypically, sees Nazi Germany not as a historical abberation, but rather as an extreme case of what characterises all Western political systems and which springs from 'politics' itself, rather than any particular playing out of a political scheme. This is the condition of 'biopolitics', the condition of life as valuable or not within an overall scheme of governance. This condition reaches its paradigm expression in 'the camp', where life is usable or expendable outside the restraints of any legal structure. The argumentation in this book is very complex and opaque. The reader is not helped by the fact that such central concepts as 'sacred' and 'biopolitics' are extensively reworked from the way in which they are generally used in social science literature at this time, without this fact being signposted or even acknowledged. Furthermore, the overall argument relies on a heady admixture of classical philosophy, politics, linguistics and ethology. The ground which is covered is galloped over, rather than taken at walking pace, and the whole trip is not for the faint-hearted. The novelty of the argument, however, which links liberal democracy to totalitarian government merits detailed examination in that it reanimates basic political theoretical discussion in a field which is in danger of stagnation around the notion of the victory of liberal democracy. The only other writer who is engaged in a similar task from a similar perspective of what might be termed 'Grand Political Theory', and with comparable intellectual resources, is Antonio Negri - another Italian left-wing scholar. These two writers mark an attempt to re-invent theoretical politics, and for anyone with a serious interest in this field Homo Sacer is necessary, if not easy, reading.Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life (Meridian: Crossing Aesthetics) Overview

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